Wednesday, March 13, 2013

Video: Have Senators reached an agreement on immigration bill?



>>> "the los angeles times " reports major damage by the part of eight republican senators seeking to write a bill over b the immigration laws . it reports aides familiar with it saying they have agreed on the most contentious part of the draft, how to offer legal status to nation's 11 million illegal immigran immigrants. it includes requiring them to register with the homeland security department them also file federal income taxes for the first time, pay a fine and have no criminal record. the l.a. times said once granted probationary legal status , the immigrants would be allowed to work but would be barred from receiving federal public benefits including food stamps , family cash assistance, medicaid and unemployment insurance . joining me now, " washington post " political reporter maleka henderson, and jonathan alter . thank you for joining us. it looks like there is a deal. a solid deal.

>> it is not clear that they have a deal but the great thing is they're talking.

>> these are specifics though. this is going beyond, will the republican party wants to get on board after the shellacking. these are specifics on how to get there.

>> they are getting down to nut cracking time and talking in a serious way. and it is rational senators who are talking. ones who want to do some business. so there are still a lot of sticking points. the biggest one right now is what would the flow be of legal immigrants to the united states in what they call the h1b program. that for skilled workers . so because there is a lot of unhappiness among american workers. the labor movement and elsewhere.

>> and businesses are involved in this discussion.

>> so this is a very delicate negotiation. that's why i'm cautious in saying there is a deal. there are still a lot of sticking points. the great news is they're on track to a deal.

>> it is interesting you point out the sticking points. the " l.a. times " notes those things unresolve. how long they would need to wait before applying for citizenship. how visas to guest workers and how to pay for more border patrol officers. a big sticking point. and facing fencing and other security measures in a shrinking budget. how do you pay for whatever is determined as adequate border patrol , adequate security. in these budgetary times we're in, which are crisis mode, how do you pay for all that?

>> right. that's been a stumbling block for years. the conservatives have said first you have to secure the borders before you can have a path to citizenship. really, this is about elections having consequences. everybody in both parties know that the latino vote is extremely important. that to stymie latinos again, to make them keep waiting to come out of the shadows is not good for anybody politically. so both parties have a strong political incentive to get to yes on this question.

>> the " l.a. times " and others have noted what we're looking at, this framework is very similar to what the president has unveiled as his ideas as well. the sources that have indicated what the president wants. let me bring you in on this. jeb bush was on "meet the press" yesterday. they are calling this his full circle supporting a path to citizenship. let me play what he said yesterday.

>> i support what senators graham and rubio and mccain and others are doing with their counterparts. if they can find a way to get to the path of citizenship over the long haul, i would support that.

>> so the first read team said jeb bush supported citizenship in 2012 as well as january 2013 . then his new book opposed it. and after criticism of that opposition, he said he supports it as part of the bipartisan senate framework. is this to jonathan's point that elections have consequences? in course of a few hours, jeb bush tried to clean everything up on "meet the press."

>> you almost need a road map to figure out where he has been on this issue over the last couple days. it brings the question to mind whether he wrote that book. he was so diametrically on a different side of the issue just recently. now he has come full circle . i think his wavering also speaks to the fact that a lot of forecasts in the republican party are not on board with this. i think the vast majority are. 65% according to a flew fox poll. if you saw a lot of that reaction that john mccain got in those town halls , not everyone is on board.

>> thattown, i don't want to make it seem like i'm disparaging the people in that town hall . but they are mostly older white men whom the party now knows it cannot depend upon if it is to move forward.

>> i think the party is one thing. i think just grassroots, every day rank and file folks are very different. one of the issues we'll see out of this plan is that we're going to see some back lash. we haven't really seen very much so far. one of the things that's different, unlike gun control . there isn't a huge sense of public urgency around this issue. that is something that i think both republicans and democrats are going to have to gin up. so far if you look at most polls, most people are concerned about the economy. i think latinos do --

>> isn't that topography? i'm from texas. there is a sense of urgency and has been as far as i can remember. you're seeing the dialogue in georgia, for example, we'll do a segment a little later on the senate race there. the demographic change from georgia. the largest african-american numbers there but now latino voters who now exist in that state who could also help democrats. so i guess maybe it depends on where you live?

>> that's right. i think it depends on where you live and it depends on whether or not you're latino . if you look at the polls, latinos want to get this done now. it is at the top of their list. the economy and jobs is below it in terms wanting to get something done this year. so you're right. i think you are seeing an explosion of latinos . if you look broadly at where most americans are where they want to put political capital , it is more around the economy. that's why you see obama trying to frame this as an economic issue.

>> i think a lot of this is about are these eight guys real legislators? are they legislative craftsmen? it is way easier to stop something in washington than to get it done. this would be the cap stone of several of their careers. an historic moment for them and i think they understand that. the end might be in sight but it is always when they get down to the short strokes.

>> when you look at the geography. chuck schumer , new york, michael bennett , colorado, john mccain , lindsey graham , we're talking about the south and the southwest which going back to nia-malika, that's where you see the argument. and harry reid is from nevada which has a very large latino population. so they wanted the players most engaged to be doing legislation. we haven't spoken about the house. even if they get a senate deal --

>> back from immigration to guns, anything that's being discussed right now when you switch to the house, you hear wonk, wonk. a lot tougher. you know and anticipate a no, right?

>> they don't have a filibuster in the house. they would be able to get to it a vote. the democrats would vote for it. if they could get enough republican votes, they could get it done there, too.

>> there are enough republicans in those states who see this in their benefit to vote for it.

>> thank you both. greatly appreciate

Source: http://video.msnbc.msn.com/newsnation/51137211/

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Tuesday, March 12, 2013

40 Glocc Sues The Game Over Street Fight

Source: http://www.thehollywoodgossip.com/2013/03/40-glocc-sues-the-game-over-street-fight/

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From Reaction to Prevention - Harvard Business Law Review (HBLR)

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Saule T. Omarova*

Introduction: Dilemmas of Regulatory Reform

The global financial crisis of 2008 underscored the importance of reducing and managing systemic risk in derivatives markets. Even though the crisis originated in the U.S. subprime mortgage market, over-the-counter (OTC) derivatives significantly contributed to pre-crisis accumulation of excessive risk and hidden leverage in the global financial system.[1] Derivatives offer private counterparties an unprecedented degree of flexibility and freedom to achieve desired outcomes by unbundling, reassembling, and trading financial risk. They may, and often do, function as a socially beneficial mechanism of prudent risk management and liquidity provision.[2] At the same time, by removing some of the traditional constraints on speculative trading?such as the need to purchase, hold, or physically move underlying assets?derivatives have fundamentally altered the nature and dynamics of financial investment and intermediation. By the mid-2000s, increasingly complex and opaque derivatives had become the key tool of financial speculation and regulatory arbitrage, ultimately leading the financial system to the brink of collapse.[3]

Not surprisingly, the need to update and strengthen regulatory oversight of derivatives markets has emerged as one of the key themes in post-crisis financial regulation reform. The Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010 (the Dodd-Frank Act) contains a wide range of measures designed to increase transparency in derivatives trading and to encourage better risk management on the part of private market participants.[4] The key element of the new statutory scheme is the mandatory central clearing of standardized derivatives and trading through regulated exchanges and swap execution facilities.[5] The statute also mandates public reporting of swap transactions[6] and introduces new regulatory categories of financial actors?swap dealers and major swap participants?that must comply with special business conduct, capital, and margin rules.[7]

The extent to which these reforms are likely to reduce systemic risk in practice remains to be seen.[8] Fundamentally, however, the Dodd-Frank Act falls short of radically reshaping the structure or operation of derivatives markets. It does not impose direct, targeted regulatory restraints on the levels of risk, complexity, or leverage in the OTC derivatives market.[9] Instead, the new law seeks to restrain potential risks posed by derivatives only indirectly, mainly through enhancing informational flow and rationalizing the clearing and settlement process for sufficiently standardized instruments. It leaves intact the monopoly of private actors on deciding which products?and, accordingly, risks?are traded in derivatives markets. In that sense, the Act?s focus is inherently reactive and retrospective rather than proactive and prospective. Ultimately, the new law fails to address the key policy question: how much risk in derivatives markets is too much for the public to bear, and how can we prevent such socially harmful risk from entering the financial system in the first place?

A Paradigm of Prevention: Approval Regulation

This Article explores one possible way to answer this fundamental question. It outlines the rough contours of a regulatory scheme based on mandatory pre-market government licensing of complex financial instruments, including derivatives. An envisioned model of product approval regulation explicitly aims to control the amount and types of risk being introduced into the financial system. In that sense, it is a true gatekeeping mechanism, a form of ex ante regulation of systemic risk in financial markets.[10]

Generally, approval regulation can be defined as a regime in which ?government entities exercise discretion over whether the firm or product can enter the market, such that firms must provide an empirical case for admission that the regulator must accept if legal market entry is to be granted.?[11] Product approval has long been the model of pharmaceutical drug regulation in the United States and has recently been introduced in the European Union for chemicals regulation.[12] A similar system of pre-trading ?contract designation? also existed in the area of the U.S. commodity futures regulation prior to 2000.[13] Potential extension of approval regulation to a broad range of financial products became a subject of academic discussion in 2008-09, in the context of the debate on the creation of a new consumer financial protection agency with the power to pre-approve financial products to ensure they are ?safe? for consumers.[14]

Approval regulation, however, may also serve as a potentially effective mechanism for controlling systemic financial risk, not just the risk to individual consumers.[15] Of course, shifting the focus of the proposed scheme toward systemic concerns?socially unproductive levels of complexity, leverage, speculation, regulatory arbitrage, and interconnectedness in financial markets?complicates the task of designing it. A rigorous product approval regime can inadvertently limit the ability of financial firms to develop and market potentially beneficial financial instruments and impede socially useful financial innovation, which may have serious consequences for long-term economic growth.[16] In this context, it becomes critical to articulate, in clear and unambiguous terms, the normative basis on which the new scheme would operate. Not only does this task involve making potentially difficult policy choices and trade-offs, but it also elevates the importance of drawing clear definitional and procedural lines, neither of which is an easy undertaking in the world of derivatives.

Regulatory Objective: Reducing Strategic Complexity

As the recent crisis demonstrated, numerous factors contribute to a systemic market failure. In designing a product approval regime, however, it is important to define the scheme?s normative focus as clearly as possible. Which of the well-documented ?evils? in modern financial markets should be designated as the primary target of ex ante regulatory intervention? The laundry list of plausible candidates includes, at a minimum, excessive speculation, leverage, regulatory arbitrage, and complexity.[17] Of course, truly effective regulation should target all of these phenomena in order to prevent an unsustainable level of risk accumulation in the financial system. However, for the purposes of providing clear policy guidance to regulators administering a product approval scheme, sharpening its policy focus may be a more effective strategy.

One potential approach would be to structure the new regulatory regime to target primarily and explicitly what I call strategic complexity in financial markets: constant introduction of new complex financial instruments into the market, regardless of actual demand or true economic need for such instruments.[18] In general, increasing complexity of financial instruments and institutional structures through which they are traded is one of the key sources of systemic financial risk.[19] What is particularly insidious in this respect is that much of that risk-generating complexity results from purely strategic efforts of dealers and market-makers?financial intermediaries that structure, sell, and deal in complex financial instruments?seeking short-term, monopoly-like rents.[20] Dealers derive the highest profits from being the first to design and sell to clients a new financial instrument that is perceived as offering some unique benefits to investors, mostly by enhancing their ability to engage in speculation and arbitrage, and commands a high premium. Once a new product becomes commoditized, the original dealer loses its ability to extract monopolistic rents and seeks to introduce the next innovation to recapture lost rents, without regard to any natural demand for such a product in the marketplace.[21] In the course of this socially inefficient over-innovation, dealer institutions originate, distribute, and amplify financial risk. That, in turn, enables other market participants to make increasingly risky and levered speculative bets, expands intra-market linkages and interconnectedness, and preemptively defeats regulators? efforts to exercise effective oversight of the financial system.

It makes intuitive sense, therefore, that limiting financial institutions? ability to over-supply unnecessarily complex financial products should substantially decrease levels of speculative trading, leverage, interconnectedness, and systemic fragility. The most effective method of achieving this goal is to insert regulatory controls at the point of product development, before financial intermediaries introduce the risk into the system. Under this regime, the regulatory agency would act as a gatekeeper and its primary task would be to vet all new financial products for indicia of strategic complexity and other socially undesirable risk attributes.[22]

Regulatory Mechanism: The Three-Part Product Approval Standard

The core element of a product approval scheme is the substantive standard for determining whether a particular product should be allowed to enter the market. Fashioning a comprehensive and precise set of standards for licensing derivatives and other financial products is a difficult task. Nevertheless, it is possible to envision key substantive and procedural principles of a viable product approval mechanism. Inevitably, this is more of a thought experiment than a legislative blueprint.

The key aim of the product licensing review should be to evaluate each relevant financial instrument from functional, institutional, and policy perspectives. Regulatory approval should be granted only if the application meets a three-part statutory standard: (1) an ?economic purpose? test, which would place the burden of proving commercial and social utility of each proposed financial instrument on the financial institutions seeking approval; (2) an ?institutional capacity? test, which would require a review of the applicant-firm?s ability to monitor and manage the risks of the proposed product effectively; and (3) a ?systemic effects? test, which would require a finding that approval of the proposed product does not pose an unacceptable risk of increasing systemic vulnerability and does not raise significant public policy concerns.

The ?Economic Purpose? Test

First, the financial institution would have to make an affirmative showing that the proposed financial instrument has a bona fide economic purpose that promotes productive enterprise and does not merely provide another means of financial speculation, leverage, or regulatory arbitrage. The goal of the product approval regime is to discourage financial institutions from creating and marketing complex financial instruments, where the benefits of such complexity for the economy and broader society do not outweigh potential increase in systemic risk.

To meet this test, an applicant-firm will have to (1) identify the intended market for the proposed financial product and describe (with sufficient specificity) potential users; (2) show that the product will fulfill a specific business need of potential product users, which existing financial products fail to fulfill; and (3) demonstrate that this legitimate business need significantly outweighs any potential uses of the product for speculative investment or regulatory arbitrage as the core motivation for the product user (or the applicant firm) to enter into the proposed transaction.[23]

The economic purpose test is essentially a ?facts-and-circumstances? inquiry.[24] The applications would have to describe the target market for the product and the intended economic purpose of the product in reasonably specific terms, in order to show a relatively direct and meaningful link between the proposed financial instrument and some productive economic activity outside the confines of financial markets.[25] Applicant-firms would be required to monitor on an ongoing basis the markets for their approved products and report any significant changes in the market composition and uses of the relevant products, as these changes may alter considerations on which the original approval grant was based.[26]

In effect, financial institutions will have to provide complete ongoing disclosure and analysis of their dealing and market-making activities. This burden-shifting mechanism would begin correcting the informational asymmetries between regulators and industry and the current incentive structure that encourages socially sub-optimal risk-taking by financial market actors.

The ?Institutional Capacity? Test

The second part of the statutory standard would require the applicant to demonstrate its internal organizational, operational, and financial capacity to monitor and manage potential risks the proposed product poses to the institution?s own financial health, as well as to the financial well-being of the product?s users and overall market stability.

To meet this test, the applicant would have to satisfy certain capital adequacy or similar requirements limiting its ability to incur leverage.[27] Additional factors to be considered may include the firm?s overall business and risk profile; the relationship between the proposed activity and the rest of the firm?s business and resources (including human and technological resources); internal systems of risk management and regulatory compliance; previous regulatory and compliance record; and the history of enforcement against the firm or its affiliated entities. It is also important to review and evaluate whether the firm has established effective risk management policies and procedures designed specifically for the proposed activity.

The inquiry at this point should not be limited to the firm?s ability to handle the economic demands of dealing in the specific product. It is just as critical to assess how the proposed activity may alter the firm?s economic incentives and overall business strategy, and whether or not such a change creates potential conflicts of interest, poses reputational risks to the firm, or raises significant concerns about broader market integrity.[28] To put it simply, the key question has to be, ?Do we want this particular institution to trade and deal in this particular product??

The ?Systemic Effects? Test

Finally, the applicant-firm will also have to demonstrate that the proposed product does not pose potentially unacceptable systemic risk or is otherwise likely to increase the vulnerability of the financial system. This intentionally broad requirement gives the regulator statutory authority to consider a wide variety of potentially relevant factors and public policy considerations that may not be directly included in the description of the product or the immediate market needs. Many existing statutes mandate that financial regulators exercise their discretion only if doing so is ?in the public interest.?[29] This aspect of the product approval process is designed to allow for this type of deliberation, where the applicant-firm bears the burden of proving that the financial instrument it seeks to market is not likely to have a negative impact on broader socio-economic policies and political goals.[30]

Implementing the Mechanism: Operational Design Challenges

This cursory outline of a product approval mechanism raises many legitimate questions about the proper scope, feasibility, and potential negative consequences of instituting such an intrusive regulatory scheme. While it is impossible to answer all of these questions in this short Article, it is useful to sketch out some of the key challenges posed by this proposal.

To function effectively, a product approval mechanism must be embedded in a properly designed regulatory structure. Many operational details of such a structure would require serious thought. Perhaps the most critical?and most difficult?task in this respect is delineating the overall scope of the scheme and defining which classes of financial products and transactions should be subject to regulatory pre-approval. While an over-inclusive definition may have an unnecessary chilling effect on socially beneficial innovation, an under-inclusive definition may allow for the excessive build-up of systemic risk in financial markets and thus undermine the efficacy of the entire regime.

Complex trading strategies and sophisticated structuring techniques raise an even more difficult question: What constitutes a ?product? that would require a separate regulatory approval under the new regime?[31] Thus, one of the critical tasks in designing the new regulatory regime is to develop a set of criteria for determining when a particular instrument has features unique enough to make it a separate ?product.? As a first approximation, that list of factors should include key terms related to payment and other significant rights and obligations of the counterparties, the intended uses and target markets of the instrument, and the nature of assets underlying the instrument. A significant change in any of these terms would require the financial institution to apply for a separate regulatory approval.

Finding a workable solution to these definitional problems?where and how exactly to draw the lines between separate ?products? and which of those ?products? should be subject to mandatory licensing?may be the key to the feasibility of the proposed scheme.[32] Among other things, these choices would determine the volume of deals to be reviewed and approved by the regulator under the new regime. After all, the viability of any regulatory model depends on the agency?s resources and ability to manage the process in practice.

Beyond these definitional problems, numerous questions arise with respect to structuring the process of approval, assigning regulatory jurisdiction, and enforcing compliance. Developing these operational details requires careful balancing of competing considerations of procedural fairness and efficiency, regulatory flexibility and regime integrity, technical expertise and public accountability.[33] These difficulties are hardly insurmountable, nor are they unique to this proposal. In any event, envisioning an operational product approval scheme is a valuable intellectual exercise for purposes of shaping the future of regulatory reform.

Conclusion: Redefining What Is Possible

This Article explored the prospect of a fundamental shift in derivatives regulation and advocated an explicitly anticipatory approach to reducing systemic risk in the financial sector. The proposed model of ex ante derivatives regulation does not prohibit any financial activities. It merely imposes the duty to provide information necessary for evaluating potential risks and benefits of a specific financial product on the financial institution seeking to market it. If properly designed and implemented, this regulatory approval process would provide a mechanism for ensuring that financial innovation, in fact, advances productive enterprise in the real economy and offers real public benefits.

As discussed above, executing this idea will likely involve resolving various technical and operational challenges. Because it calls for a radical change in the existing regulatory philosophy, this proposal is also bound to generate criticisms on other grounds. To some, product approval may appear too blunt a tool, liable to cause more harm than good by stifling financial innovation and driving financial activities abroad. Others may see it as unacceptably paternalistic ?command-and-control? regulation. Finally, many may doubt the presence of political will to take on such bold and controversial reforms.

This Article does not purport to provide answers to every question and dispel every doubt. It may very well prove too difficult to design and implement a comprehensive and effective mandatory product approval scheme for derivatives (or any other financial products) in practice. Nevertheless, it is critical to give this seemingly radical proposal a full, open-minded consideration as a potentially superior alternative to the current, ex post regulatory approach. At the very least, expanding the range of plausible reform options should lead to more meaningful academic discussions and better informed policy decisions. By making a preliminary case for product approval as a potentially plausible model of derivatives regulation, this Article seeks to enhance our chances of getting it right next time.

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Preferred citation: Saule T. Omarova, From Reaction to Prevention: Product Approval as a Model of Derivatives Regulation,?3 Harv. Bus. L. Rev. Online 98 (2013), http://www.hblr.org/?p=3111.

* Assistant Professor at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School of Law.

[1] See, e.g., Lynn A. Stout, Derivatives and the Legal Origin of the 2008 Credit Crisis, 1 Harv. Bus. L. Rev. 1 (2011); Mark J. Roe, The Derivatives Market?s Payment Priorities as Financial Crisis Accelerator, 63 Stan. L. Rev. 539 (2011).

[2] See Kimberly D. Krawiec, More than Just ?New Financial Bingo?: A Risk-Based Approach to Understanding Derivatives, 23 J. Corp. L. 1, 7?8, 10 (1997); Roberta Romano, A Thumbnail Sketch of Derivative Securities and Their Regulation, 55 Md. L. Rev. 1, 5 (1996).

[3] See Stout, supra note 1, at 22?31.

[4] Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, Pub. L. No. 111-203, 124 Stat. 1376 (2010).

[8] Much of the academic debate in this area focuses on the ability of derivatives clearinghouses to fulfill their risk-reducing role. See, e.g., Yesha Yadav, The Problematic Case of Clearinghouses in Complex Markets, 101 Geo L. J. 387, 412?20 (2013); Adam J. Levitin, Response: The Tenuous Case for Derivatives Clearinghouses, 101 Geo L. J. 445, 463?66 (2013).

[9] Two key provisions in the Dodd-Frank Act attempt to impose limits on derivatives activities of banking organizations: the Volcker Rule that bans banking organizations from proprietary trading, and the ?swap push-out? rules that prohibit insured depository institutions from conducting equity and commodity derivatives business. See Dodd-Frank Act ?? 619, 716. Yet, for reasons too complex to be elaborated in this brief Article, there is little hope that, as implemented, these provisions will significantly reshape derivatives markets.

[10] For a more extensive and detailed elaboration of the proposal outlined in this Article, see Saule T. Omarova, License to Deal: Mandatory Approval of Complex Financial Products, 90 Wash. U. L. Rev. 63 (2012).

[11] Daniel Carpenter & Michael M. Ting, A Theory of Approval Regulation 2 (Feb. 10, 2004) (unpublished manuscript), http://people.hmdc.harvard.edu/~dcarpent/endosub-20040214.pdf. Approval regulation differs from the classic ?regulation of entry? model that typically sets forth purely procedural conditions on market entry, such as licensing fees.

[12] Noah M. Sachs, Rescuing the Strong Precautionary Principle from its Critics, 2011 U. Ill. L. Rev. 1285, 1298?99 (2011).

[13] For a discussion of these three examples of approval regulation, see Omarova, supra note 10, at 89?113.

[14] See Oren Bar-Gill & Elizabeth Warren, Making Credit Safer, 157 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1 (2008); J. E. Stiglitz, The Financial Crisis of 2007/2008 and its Macroeconomic Consequences 29?30 (2008) (unpublished paper presented at meeting on Financial Markets Reform of the Initiative for Policy Dialogue Task Force), available at http://www2.gsb.columbia.edu/faculty/jstiglitz/download/papers/2008_Financial_Crisis.pdf; Daniel Carpenter, Particulars of a Financial Product Safety Commission, in The Tobin Project: Considering a Financial Product Safety Commission 8 (May 2009) available at http://people.hmdc.harvard.edu/~dcarpent/finreg/FPSC-Tobin.pdf. Although born of this debate, the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection established under the Dodd-Frank Act does not have direct product-licensing authority.

[15] This idea is beginning to gain some recognition among academics. Professors Eric Posner and Glen Weyl recently proposed to set up a regulatory agency with the power to approve new financial products if they pass the ?social utility? test that focuses on whether, based on a straightforward quantitative market analysis, the product would likely be used more often for insurance than for gambling. See Eric A. Posner & E. Glen Weyl, An FDA for Financial Innovation: Applying the Insurable Interest Doctrine to 21st-Century Financial Markets, 107 Nw. U. L. Rev. (forthcoming 2013), available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2010606&rec=1&srcabs=1995077&alg=1&pos=1.

[16] The latest crisis, however, demonstrated the many dangers of unrestrained financial innovation. See, e.g., Margaret M. Blair, Financial Innovation, Leverage, Bubbles, and the Distribution of Income, 30 Rev. Banking & Fin. L. 225 (2010).

[17] I deliberately leave aside a host of other potentially important factors?including greed, incompetence, and regulatory capture?because a product approval scheme cannot directly remedy these problems. If successful, however, a new regime may significantly alter, or counteract negative effects of, behavior causing these and other problems.

[18] See Omarova, supra note 10, at 73.

[19] For scholarly analyses of complexity in financial markets and its implications for systemic stability and efficiency, see Steven L. Schwarcz, Regulating Complexity in Financial Markets, 87 Wash. U. L. Rev. 211 (2010); Dan Awrey, Complexity, Innovation, and the Regulation of Modern Financial Markets, 2 Harv. Bus. L. Rev. 235 (2012); Henry T. C. Hu, Too Complex to Depict? Innovation, ?Pure Information,? and the SEC Disclosure Paradigm, 90 Tex. L. Rev. 1601 (2012). See also Omarova, supra note 10, at 68?71.

[20] See Awrey, supra note 19, at 258?67; Omarova, supra note 10, at 72?73.

[21] See Awrey, supra note 19, at 263?65. In effect, dealers manufacture demand by offering clients new ways to increase their returns.

[22] This is in not to say that complexity is the only cause of systemic risk. Strategic complexity is a proxy for a cluster of risk-generating phenomena: it functions as a corollary for excessive speculation, over-leveraging, and regulatory arbitrage. It may also be easier (although by no means easy) to operationalize a regulatory scheme specifically focused on complexity of financial products, as opposed to their speculative potential or effect on the leverage in the financial system.

[23] In effect, the proposed test would reverse the currently dysfunctional concept of cost-benefit analysis of financial services regulation as a more risk-based and socially conscious cost-benefit analysis of financial services. In contrast to the current system, the proposed approach would allocate the duty to produce information necessary to conduct such analysis on the party that has full access to such information. For a critical examination of the current system of regulatory cost-benefit analysis, see Nicholas Bagley & Richard L. Revesz, Centralized Oversight of the Regulatory State, 106 Colum. L. Rev. 1260 (2006); Daniel A. Farber, Rethinking the Role of Cost-Benefit Analysis, 76 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1355 (2009).

[24] This is one of the key differences between the approval standard envisioned here and the quantitative market analysis of ?social welfare? proposed by Posner & Weyl, supra note 15, at 16?19.

[25] This requirement raises many difficult questions about drawing the line between legitimate hedging and socially useless speculation. For a fuller discussion of some of these difficulties, and potential ways to solve them, see Omarova, supra note 10, at 116?20.

[26] This would enable the regulators to react in a timely manner when familiar financial instruments begin morphing into something different in terms of their functions and risk profile. The pre-crisis transformation of traditional residential mortgages and relatively straightforward mortgage-backed securitizations into a complex form of financial speculation provides an example of such dynamics. See Adam J. Levitin & Susan M. Wachter, Explaining the Housing Bubble, 100 Geo L. J. 1177 (2012).

[27] Importantly, regulators may require a (significantly) higher additional capital buffer to support the specific proposed financial transaction and related market activities.

[28] One example highlighting the importance of assessing this type of risk both to the firm?s reputation and to the broader market integrity is Goldman Sachs? infamous ?Big Short? strategy in early 2007. One of the major CDO originators, Goldman Sachs accumulated a large short position in mortgage-backed assets it was aggressively securitizing and marketing at the same time. See U.S. Senate Permanent Subcomm. on Investigations, Wall Street and the Financial Crisis: Anatomy of Financial Collapse 376?636 (2011), available at http://www.hsgac.senate.gov/subcommittees/investigations/reports.

[29] See, e.g., 12 U.S.C. ? 371c(f)(2) (2012) (authorizing federal bank regulators to grant exemptions from the statutory limitations on banks? transactions with affiliates if, among other things, the regulators find such exemptions to be ?in the public interest?); Id. ? 1843(a) (authorizing the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System to extend the two-year grace period for new bank holding companies to comply with the statutory prohibitions on non-banking investments if, in the Board?s judgment, ?such an extension would not be detrimental to the public interest?). There are numerous examples of similar provisions in federal banking statutes.

[30] A quintessential example of a financial product banned on public policy grounds are terrorism futures, conceived in 2003 by the Pentagon as a market-based predictor of the level of risk posed by terrorist attacks. Justin Wolfers & Eric Zitzewitz, The Furor Over ?Terrorism Futures,? Wash. Post, July 31, 2003, at A19. Congress discarded this idea on public policy grounds. In 2011, the CFTC adopted a rule prohibiting the listing and trading of contracts referencing ?terrorism, assassination, war, gaming, or an activity that is unlawful under any State or Federal law.? 17 C.F.R. ? 40.11(a)(1) (2012).

[31] For example, under a well-functioning regime, a financial institution should not be able to apply for blanket pre-approval of all ?swaps? or ?equity swaps? and then proceed to structure and market a wide variety of such instruments with different risk profiles.

[32] For a more detailed discussion of potential solutions to these definitional problems, as well as other design issues, see Omarova, supra note 10, at 123?31.

[33] See id. at 131?35.

Source: http://www.hblr.org/2013/03/from-reaction-to-prevention-product-approval-as-a-model-of-derivatives-regulation/

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Monday, March 11, 2013

'Hitchhiker's Guide' Google Doodle holds answer to life, universe and everything

Google doodle

1 hour ago

Google Doodle Douglas Adams

Google

Celebrating the birthday of "Hitchhiker's Guide to the Galaxy" author Douglas Adams, Google's March 11 Doodle features a retro spaceship console with an iconic tablet computer atop it, providing the answers to all of life's most nagging questions, including the ultimate one.

Click through the Guide's entries, and you'll be surprised at the diversity and cleverness of the Google designers. You'll see pantomimed demonstrations of the virtues of the towel, the effects of drinking a Pan-Galactic Gargle Blaster, even the reason why Vogon poetry is considered bad ? and not just for humanoids. You'll also see a brief history of Deep Thought, the super computer which replied, when asked, that the answer to life, the universe and everything is "42." And if you click around enough, you'll be able to spot Marvin, the Paranoid Android.

Adams died all too soon, at the age of 49, but his writing will live on for millennia to come, perhaps one day providing us with useful behavioral advice when we do actually venture out into the galaxy, towel in hand.

Wilson Rothman is the Technology & Science editor at NBC News Digital. Catch up with him on Twitter at @wjrothman, and join our conversation on Facebook.

Source: http://www.today.com/tech/hitchhikers-guide-google-doodle-holds-answer-life-universe-everything-1C8801634

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Judge strikes down NYC ban supersized sodas

FILE - This May 31, 2012 file photo shows a display of various size cups and sugar cubes at a news conference at New York's City Hall. A judge struck down New York City's groundbreaking limit on the size of sugar-laden drinks Monday, March 11, 2013 shortly before it was set to take effect, agreeing with the beverage industry and other opponents that the rule is arbitrary in applying to only some sweet beverages and some places that sell them. (AP Photo/Richard Drew, File)

FILE - This May 31, 2012 file photo shows a display of various size cups and sugar cubes at a news conference at New York's City Hall. A judge struck down New York City's groundbreaking limit on the size of sugar-laden drinks Monday, March 11, 2013 shortly before it was set to take effect, agreeing with the beverage industry and other opponents that the rule is arbitrary in applying to only some sweet beverages and some places that sell them. (AP Photo/Richard Drew, File)

FILE - In this March 8, 2013 file photo, customers at Brother Jimmy's BBQ call cheers with 24-ounce, left, and 16-ounce beverages, in New York. New York City's groundbreaking limit on the size of sugar-laden drinks has been struck down by a judge shortly before it was set to take effect. The restriction was supposed to start Tuesday, March 12, 2013. The rule prohibits selling non-diet soda and some other sugary beverages in containers bigger than 16 ounces. It applies at places ranging from pizzerias to sports stadiums, though not at supermarkets or convenience stores. (AP Photo/Bebeto Matthews)

FILE - In this March 8, 2013 file photo, a Coca-Cola poster about the city's anticipated beverage ban is displayed at a pizza shop at New York's Penn Station. New York City's groundbreaking limit on the size of sugar-laden drinks has been struck down by a judge shortly before it was set to take effect. The restriction was supposed to start Tuesday, March 12, 2013. The rule prohibits selling non-diet soda and some other sugary beverages in containers bigger than 16 ounces. It applies at places ranging from pizzerias to sports stadiums, though not at supermarkets or convenience stores. (AP Photo/Bebeto Matthews)

(AP) ? A judge struck down New York City's pioneering ban on big sugary drinks Monday just hours before it was supposed to take effect, handing a defeat to health-minded Mayor Michael Bloomberg and creating confusion for restaurants that had already ordered smaller cups and changed their menus.

State Supreme Court Justice Milton Tingling said the 16-ounce limit on sodas and other sweet drinks arbitrarily applies to only some sugary beverages and some places that sell them.

"The loopholes in this rule effectively defeat the stated purpose of this rule," Tingling wrote in a victory for the beverage industry, restaurants and other business groups that called the rule unfair and wrong-headed.

In addition, the judge said the Bloomberg-appointed Board of Health intruded on City Council's authority when it imposed the rule.

The city vowed to appeal the decision, issued by New York state's trial-level court.

"We believe the judge is totally in error in how he interpreted the law, and we are confident we will win on appeal," Bloomberg said. He added: "One of the cases we will make is that people are dying every day. This is not a joke. Five thousand people die of obesity every day in America."

For now, though, the ruling it means the ax won't fall Tuesday on supersized sodas, sweetened teas and other high-sugar beverages in restaurants, movie theaters, corner delis and sports arenas.

"The court ruling provides a sigh of relief to New Yorkers and thousands of small businesses in New York City that would have been harmed by this arbitrary and unpopular ban," the American Beverage Association and other opponents said, adding that the organization is open to other "solutions that will have a meaningful and lasting impact."

The first of its kind in the country, the restriction has sparked reaction from city streets to late-night talk shows, celebrated by some as a bold attempt to improve people's health and derided by others as another "nanny state" law from Bloomberg during his 11 years in office.

On his watch, the city has compelled chain restaurants to post calorie counts, barred artificial trans fats in restaurant food and prodded food manufacturers to use less salt. The city has successfully defended some of those initiatives in court.

Because of the limits of city authority and exemptions made for other reasons, the ban on supersized beverages doesn't cover alcoholic drinks or many lattes and other milk-based concoctions, and it doesn't apply at supermarkets or many convenience stores ? including 7-Eleven, home of the Big Gulp.

The rule, if upheld, would create an "administrative leviathan," warned Tingling, who was elected to the Supreme Court bench in 2001 as a Democrat.

In defending the rule, city officials point to the city's rising obesity rate ? about 24 percent of adults, up from 18 percent in 2002 ? and to studies tying sugary drinks to weight gain. Care for obesity-related illnesses costs government health programs about $2.8 billion a year in New York City alone, according to city Health Commissioner Dr. Thomas Farley.

Critics said the measure is too limited to have a meaningful effect on New Yorkers' waistlines. And they said it would take a bite out of business for the establishments that had to comply, while other places would still be free to sell sugary drinks in 2-liter bottles and supersized cups.

Beverage makers had expected to spend about $600,000 changing bottles and labels, movie theater owners feared losing soda sales that account for 10 percent of their profits, and delis and restaurants would have had to change inventory, reprint menus and make other adjustments, according to court papers.

The city had said that while restaurant inspectors would start enforcing the soda size rule in March, they wouldn't seek fines ? $200 for a violation ? until June.

Some restaurants had already ordered and started using smaller glasses for full-sugar soda, while others began experimenting with freshly squeezed juices as alternatives to soda for children's parties. Dunkin' Donuts shops have been telling customers they will have to sweeten and flavor their own coffee. Coca-Cola has printed posters explaining the rules.

The ruling "serves as a major blow to Mayor Michael Bloomberg's incessant finger-wagging," said J. Justin Wilson at the Center for Consumer Freedom, created by restaurants and food companies. "The court confirmed what most New Yorkers already know: They don't need a government regulator to dictate their diet choices. New Yorkers should celebrate this victory by taking a big gulp of freedom."

Jose Perez, a fifth-grade special education teacher in Manhattan who was getting a hot dog and can of soda from a street vendor, called the ruling "dead-on."

"Really, I think it's just big government getting in the way of people's rights," he said. "I think it's up to the person. If they want to have a giant soda, that's their business."

___

Associated Press writer Deepti Hajela contributed to this story.

___

Follow Jennifer Peltz at http://twitter.com/jennpeltz

Associated Press

Source: http://hosted2.ap.org/APDEFAULT/3d281c11a96b4ad082fe88aa0db04305/Article_2013-03-11-Sugary%20Drinks-Lawsuit/id-f8132256ae4a4d2fbe1d252583a6bae2

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Reebok Fitness shakes up stale exercise routines on Android and iOS (video)

Reebok Fitness shakes up stale exercise routines on Android and iOS

Despite Reebok being a cornerstone of the athletic scene, it hasn't been as quick off the mark as Adidas and Nike in embracing mobile apps as coaching tools. It's making up for lost time with a low-key launch of Reebok Fitness for Android and iOS. The app skips active movement tracking in favor of creating a truly varied exercise program: athletes can customize the ratios of multiple activities over a given period and manually shift the schedule if they find themselves bored. The app also provides video guides for novices, and a mixture of achievements and reminders should hopefully keep us from retreating to the couch. We'd prefer a best-of-all-worlds app that can both plan our workouts and gauge our progress, but the diversity in Reebok Fitness will at least put yoga on an equal plane with a neighborhood run.

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Source: App Store, Google Play

Source: http://www.engadget.com/2013/03/11/reebok-fitness-shakes-up-stale-exercise-routines-on-android-and-ios/

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Sunday, March 10, 2013

Arianna Huffington: Sunday Roundup

This week, Rand Paul mounted an old-fashioned, Mr. Smith Goes to Washington-style filibuster against President Obama's nominee to head the CIA, John Brennan. The primary issue at hand was the new-fashioned issue of drone strikes. During the marathon monologue, Paul asked, "Where is the Barack Obama of 2007?" In fact, one could also ask: where were the Democrats of 2007? Paul was joined by only one Democrat, Sen. Ron Wyden, even though if the Bush administration had acted on drones the way the Obama administration is, there would have been dozens of Democrats up in arms. Of course, the hypocrisy extends to Republicans, many of whom -- after having supported the Patriot Act, warrantless wiretapping, show-your-papers laws, and torture -- have suddenly discovered civil liberties. Brennan wound up getting confirmed but, at least in the process, the bone-headed right/left way of looking at American politics was rather spectacularly scrambled.

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Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/arianna-huffington/sunday-roundup_272_b_2845655.html

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Relief in South Africa as Mandela leaves hospital

FILE - In this May 11, 1999 file photo, South African President Nelson Mandela, is photographed in Cape Town, South Africa. Mandela, the former South African president and anti-apartheid leader, was admitted to a hospital on Saturday, March 9, 2013, for a scheduled medical check-up and doctors say there is no cause for "alarm," the president's office said. (AP Photo, File)

FILE - In this May 11, 1999 file photo, South African President Nelson Mandela, is photographed in Cape Town, South Africa. Mandela, the former South African president and anti-apartheid leader, was admitted to a hospital on Saturday, March 9, 2013, for a scheduled medical check-up and doctors say there is no cause for "alarm," the president's office said. (AP Photo, File)

FILE - May 16, 2011 file photo supplied by the South African Government Communications and Information Services, GCIS, showing former South African President Nelson Mandela and his wife Graca Machel at his home in Johannesburg, South Africa. Mandela was admitted to a hospital on Saturday March 9 2013 for a scheduled medical check-up and doctors say there is no cause for "alarm," the president's office said. Presidential spokesman Mac Maharaj said 94-year-old Mandela went in the afternoon for tests "to manage existing conditions in line with his age" at a hospital in Pretoria. (AP Photo/Elmond Jiyane-GCIS, File)

FILE - This Dec. 11, 2012 shows a mural depicting former South African President Nelson Mandela in Alexandra township, north of Johannesburg. Mandela was admitted to a hospital on Saturday, March 9 2013, for a scheduled medical check-up and doctors say there is no cause for "alarm," the president's office said. (AP Photo/Themba Hadebe, File)

(AP) ? The building that houses South Africa's highest court, made partly with bricks from an apartheid-era prison, symbolizes what Nelson Mandela hoped his country would become, a haven of tolerance wiser for the nation's past anguish.

Its mosaics, slanting columns, and natural light are meant to welcome people to the Constitutional Court, guardian of a charter devoted to human rights and clean governance. Nearby, a former jail complex where Nelson Mandela was held echoes a time when whites often resorted to violence to impose their rule over the black majority.

It is a neat fusion of history and aspiration. In reality the country once dubbed the "Rainbow Nation" is drifting between poles, cursed by crime and poverty, blessed with talent and resources, a trail-blazer of reconciliation that elected Mandela as its first black president in 1994 elections but still can't find harmony.

The anti-apartheid leader and Nobel laureate returned to his Johannesburg home on Sunday after spending a night in a hospital for what presidential spokesman Mac Maharaj said was a "successful" medical exam. Maharaj said Mandela was "well."

The 94-year-old, however, has grown increasingly frail over the years. In December, he spent three weeks in a hospital, where he was treated for a lung infection and had a procedure to remove gallstones.

The revered leader's brief hospitalization comes at a time when South Africa is struggling to live up to the promise that Mandela has come to symbolize.

"Although he's old, he's a real father to South Africa," said Thembeni Sebego, a resident of the Soweto township in Johannesburg. "We need him very, very, very much. But what can we do? If God calls him, it's time, because he's old now, he's old."

Though he withdrew from public life years ago, Mandela is seen by many compatriots as a hero, a symbol of hope, even a psychological refuge from the social ills and uneven leadership that prevail in South Africa.

The country of 50 million people has much warmth of character. But violence brews in its soul, partly fueled by one of the world's widest gulfs between rich and poor. All walks of life know what it is to be uneasy and alert to surroundings, even if the rates of some violent crimes have fallen.

"You can't walk around at night, there is the fear of rape everywhere," said Mashudu Mfomande, campaign coordinator for Amnesty International in South Africa. "Even in your own home, you don't think you are safe because we have cases of people coming into other people's houses, and have raped t hem. So as a woman in South Africa, it is not a good environment to be in."

A series of shocking events has intensified handwringing over the direction of society.

On Aug. 16, the shooting deaths of 34 striking miners by police at the Marikana platinum mine was a flashback for some who recalled state killings under apartheid. An official inquiry is underway.

On Feb. 2, a 17-year-old was gang-raped and mutilated before she died. On Feb. 14, Oscar Pistorius, the double-amputee athlete who was an inspirational figure around the world, was arrested on charges that he murdered his girlfriend in Pretoria. On Feb. 26, a Mozambican taxi driver was dragged from a South African police vehicle and later died in a police cell.

Last week, President Jacob Zuma sought to counter the image of South Africa as a place in turmoil, saying police were making inroads.

"We also dare not portray our beautiful country as an inherently violent place to live in," he said. "South Africa is a stable, peaceful country. Like all countries, there are elements that conduct themselves in a shocking and unacceptable manner."

Some South African media thought Zuma was in denial. "Are you kidding, JZ?" scoffed a headline in The Citizen newspaper.

Mandela's legacy is secure even though he did not provide solutions to poverty and inequality during his five-year presidency. His sacrifice as a prisoner under apartheid for 27 years, and his generosity of spirit in the tense transition to democracy won international acclaim.

"He means a lot because he brought a lot of changes, a lot of changes here in South Africa and not only in South Africa, but the whole world," said Elvis Vusi, a Soweto resident. "So we need all the leaders, if they can just follow in his footsteps so that each and everybody must live in a peaceful country."

Despite insecurity, South Africa reported 7.5 million tourist arrivals between January and October last year, a 10.4 increase over the same period in 2011, with many coming from Europe. Despite labor strife and credit rating downgrades, resource-rich South Africa will host Brazil, Russia, India and China at the "BRICS" summit this month.

But what is to blame for the persistent problems of a country that has proven it can shine, notably in its triumphant staging of the World Cup soccer tournament in 2010?

One view is that apartheid, which enforced inequality along racial lines, had a role in undercutting the society after it. Endowed with equal rights under the law, many South Africans expected better services and opportunities.

According to Pitika Ntuli, a South African poet and sculptor, the thinking among many South Africans was: "'I used to be insulted, I'm no longer called those things. Now the other things will come.'"

For many, that didn't happen. Expectations faded, anger mounted.

Some commentators say South Africa's new leaders, including Mandela, should have pushed harder to restructure an economy dominated by whites; opponents of that view say it would have alienated industries and set the country on a downward path similar to that of Zimbabwe after independence.

The African National Congress, the liberation party that has dominated since the end of apartheid, has also struggled to deliver on promises. It is a frontrunner ahead of 2014 elections, but corruption scandals and other missteps have hurt democracy's evolution.

"What has occurred since 1994 is the steady development of a fusion between party and state, accompanied by a refusal fully to accept the legitimacy of opposition parties," David Welsh and Paul Hoffman wrote in a commentary on the website of the Institute for Accountability in Southern Africa, a non-profit group.

On Sunday, the Nelson Mandela Center of Memory, which promotes the former president's ideas, tweeted something he once said: "I would venture to say that there is something inherently good in all human beings."

Mandela was also a realist and recognized the challenges that South Africa would face. The rest of his line goes:

"... deriving from, among other things, the attribute of social consciousness that we all possess. And, yes, there is also something inherently bad in all of us, flesh and blood as we are, with the attendant desire to perpetuate and pamper the self."

___

AP Senior Producer Ed Brown contributed to this report.

Associated Press

Source: http://hosted2.ap.org/APDEFAULT/cae69a7523db45408eeb2b3a98c0c9c5/Article_2013-03-10-South%20Africa-Mandela/id-8e3aead136fc4eeebc1420af61f54790

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AT&T reaffirms commitment to unlocking cell phones

CAPE CANAVERAL, Fla., March 9 - An asteroid as big as a city block shot relatively close by the Earth on Saturday, the latest in a series of visiting celestial objects including an asteroid the size of a bus that exploded over Russia last month, injuring 1,500. Discovered just six days ago, the 460-foot long (140-meter) Asteroid 2013 ET passed about 600,000 miles from Earth at 3:30 p.m. EST. That's about 2-1/2 times as far as the moon, fairly close on a cosmic yardstick. ...

Source: http://news.yahoo.com/t-reaffirms-commitment-unlocking-cell-phones-014703142.html

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Saturday, March 9, 2013

India: Leopards in the backyard

Mar. 8, 2013 ? A new camera-trapping study in India has revealed that leopards can occur at high densities in densely-populated and heavily-modified agricultural environments. Despite the high density of leopards there are no reports of human fatalities in the study area.

The results from this study challenge the popular misperception that large carnivores require wilderness areas to survive. On one hand this greatly expands the area of interface between humans and leopards which will require a proactive approach to dealing with potential conflicts on a large scale. However, on the other hand it opens up many new areas for conservation, greatly increasing the chances of maintaining the connectivity which is so important to maintain viable populations in the long term.

The conservation of large carnivores like wolves, bears, tigers and lions is always a challenging task in our modern and crowded world. Humans have modified and fragmented habitats and often experience a diversity of conflicts with large predatory neighbours.

There is currently a major debate going on among conservationists about how to best go about achieving large carnivore conservation. Alternatives range from a focus on fencing carnivores into protected areas to allowing them to reoccupy shared landscapes where they must coexist with human activities. At least part of this discussion depends on determining to what extent the species can tolerate living in human-dominated landscapes.

In order to investigate this a team of researchers from Norway (Norwegian Institute for Nature Research and Norwegian University for Life Sciences) and India (Wildlife Conservation Society -- India) conducted a camera-trapping study around the town of Akole in western India.

The landscape is heavily dominated by people (350 people per km2), virtually all habitat is converted to agriculture (mainly sugar cane), and there are no wild prey species bigger than hares in the landscape. There were no forests or protected areas close to the study area.

Despite this extent of human dominance of the landscape, the study revealed a very high density of both leopards and stripped hyenas (5 adults per 100 km2). In addition to these large carnivores the studied revealed the presence of a range of smaller predators, including rusty spotted cats, small Indian civet, Indian fox, jungle cat, jackals and mongooses.

The leopards were photographed very close to houses at night, and even seen in the middle of the town. Despite this very high density of leopards, there were no reports of any people being seriously injured in living memory, although the leopards were living on a diet of domestic dogs and livestock which was a source of some conflict.

The results from this study challenge the popular misperception that large carnivores require wilderness areas to survive. On one hand greatly expands the area of interface between humans and leopards which will require a proactive approach to dealing with potential conflicts on a large scale. However, on the other hand it opens up many new areas for conservation, greatly increasing the chances of maintaining the connectivity which is so important to maintain viable populations in the long term.

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The above story is reprinted from materials provided by Norwegian Institute for Nature Research, via AlphaGalileo.

Note: Materials may be edited for content and length. For further information, please contact the source cited above.


Journal Reference:

  1. Vidya Athreya, Morten Odden, John D. C. Linnell, Jagdish Krishnaswamy, Ullas Karanth. Big Cats in Our Backyards: Persistence of Large Carnivores in a Human Dominated Landscape in India. PLoS ONE, 2013; 8 (3): e57872 DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0057872

Note: If no author is given, the source is cited instead.

Disclaimer: Views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of ScienceDaily or its staff.

Source: http://feeds.sciencedaily.com/~r/sciencedaily/most_popular/~3/3lX6kPPQKAs/130308093806.htm

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Egyptian Soccer fans rampage over court verdicts

The sun sets during clashes between Egyptian protesters and riot police in downtown Cairo, Egypt, Saturday, March 9, 2013. Security officials say a protester has died during clashes between police and hundreds of stone-throwing demonstrators in central Cairo. The officials say the protester died Saturday on a Nile-side road where clashes have been taking place daily between anti-government protesters and police near two luxury hotels and the U.S. and British embassies. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser)

The sun sets during clashes between Egyptian protesters and riot police in downtown Cairo, Egypt, Saturday, March 9, 2013. Security officials say a protester has died during clashes between police and hundreds of stone-throwing demonstrators in central Cairo. The officials say the protester died Saturday on a Nile-side road where clashes have been taking place daily between anti-government protesters and police near two luxury hotels and the U.S. and British embassies. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser)

An Egyptian protester runs with a teargas canister during clashes with riot police in downtown Cairo, Egypt, Saturday, March 9, 2013. Security officials say a protester has died during clashes between police and hundreds of stone-throwing demonstrators in central Cairo. The officials say the protester died Saturday on a Nile-side road where clashes have been taking place daily between anti-government protesters and police near two luxury hotels and the U.S. and British embassies. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser)

An injured security official is carried from a police officers club in the upscale neighborhood of Zamalek, after protesters set fires following a court verdict in Cairo, Egypt, Saturday, March 9, 2013. Fans of Cairo?s Al-Ahly club have stormed Egypt?s soccer federation headquarters and a nearby police club, and set them ablaze after a court acquitted seven of nine police official on trial for their alleged part in deadly stadium melee. (AP Photo/Mohammed Asad )

Egyptian soccer fans of the Al-Ahly club celebrate in front of their club in Cairo, Egypt, after an Egyptian court confirmed death sentences against 21 people for their role in a deadly 2012 soccer riot that killed more than 70 people in the city of Port Said, Saturday, March 9, 2013. (AP Photo/Amr Nabil)

An Egyptian man walks on the grounds of a police officer's club as a fire set by protesters burns in Cairo, Egypt, Saturday, March 9, 2013. An Egyptian court on Saturday confirmed the death sentences against 21 people for taking part in a deadly soccer riot but acquitted seven police officials for their alleged role in the violence, touching off furious protests in Cairo that torched the soccer federation headquarters and a nearby police club.(AP Photo/Ahmed Gomaa)

(AP) ? Egyptian soccer fans rampaged through the heart of Cairo on Saturday, furious about the acquittal of seven police officers while death sentences against 21 alleged rioters were confirmed in a trial over a stadium melee that left 74 people dead.

The case of the Feb. 1, 2012 stadium riot in the city of Port Said at the northern tip of the Suez Canal has taken on political undertones not just because police faced allegations of negligence in the tragedy but also because the verdicts were announced at a time when Egypt is in the grip of the latest and most serious bout of political turmoil in the two years since Hosni Mubarak's ouster.

Saturday's verdicts also were handed down against the backdrop of an unprecedented wave of strikes by the nation's police force over demands for better working conditions and anger over what many believe are attempts by President Mohammed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood to take control of the police force.

Tensions over the riot ? which began when supporters of Port Said's Al-Masry club set upon fans of Cairo's Al-Ahly club after the final whistle of a league game that the home team won ? have fueled some of the deadliest street violence in months. Police guarding the stadium, meanwhile, faced allegations ranging from not searching people entering the stadium to failing to intervene to stop the bloodshed.

Shortly after the verdict was announced Saturday, angry fans of Cairo's Al-Ahly club who had gathered in the thousands outside the team's headquarters in central Cairo went on a rampage, torching a police club nearby and storming Egypt's soccer federation headquarters before setting it ablaze.

The twin fires sent plumes of thick black smoke billowing out over the Cairo skyline, prompting Defense Minister Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi to dispatch two army helicopters to extinguish the fires.

At least five people were injured in the protests over the verdict, a Health Ministry official told the MENA state news agency.

Some demonstrators in Port Said also burnt tires on the city's dock to prevent vessels from coming in and released speedboats into traffic lanes of the Suez Canal in attempts, foiled by the navy, to disrupt shipping in the vital waterway linking the Red Sea to the Mediterranean.

A spokesman for the Suez Canal Authority said shipping was not affected and 41 vessels transited the waterway on Saturday.

General unrest also continued elsewhere in the Egyptian capital, which has seen unrelenting demonstrations and clashes between security forces and an opposition that accuses Morsi of trying to monopolize power in the hands of his Islamist allies.

Two protesters also were killed and 19 injured in clashes elsewhere in the capital that appeared unrelated to the soccer violence, national ambulance service chief Mohammed Sultan said. The fighting occurred near two luxury hotels and the U.S. and British embassies.

The court's decision upheld the death sentences issued in late January against 21 people, most of them Port Said fans. The original verdict touched off violent riots in Port Said that left some 40 people dead, most shot by police.

On Saturday, the court announced its verdict for the other 52 defendants in the case, sentencing 45 of them to prison, including two senior police officers who got 15 years terms each. The two were charged with gross negligence and failure to stop the killings.

Twenty-eight people were acquitted, including seven police officials.

Defense lawyers claimed the case has been flawed from the start with prosecutors collecting evidence in an "unorthodox" fashion and overlooking key aspects of the tragedy such as the fact the floodlights were turned off during the attack on the Al-Ahly fans and the nearest exit gate was locked.

Many of the 74 victims died of suffocation or blows to the head.

Morsi's aides denounced Saturday's violence and sought to dismiss the notion of a country in chaos.

Ayman Ali, a senior presidential aide, called on the media not to provide a "political cover" to the violence sweeping the country and dismissed as exaggerated claims that the country's police force was in disarray.

Another presidential aide, Bakinam el-Sharqawy, lamented that the focus on protests and violence created an image of instability in Egypt that kept foreign investors away.

In anticipation of more violence, authorities beefed up security near the Interior Ministry, which is in charge of the police force, with riot police deploying in the streets around the complex in central Cairo.

The president of the international soccer governing body FIFA appealed for calm.

"I call on football fans in Egypt to remain peaceful. Violence is never a solution and is contrary to the spirit of sport," Sepp Blatter tweeted.

Earlier at the courthouse across town, Judge Sobhi Abdel-Maguid read out the verdict live on TV, sentencing five defendants to life in prison and nine others to 15 years in jail. Six defendants received 10-year jail terms, two more got five years and a single defendant received a 12-month sentence.

The court's decision on the nine Port Said security officers on trial was among the most highly anticipated ? and potentially explosive ? verdicts. In the end, the judges sentenced the city's former security chief, Maj. Gen. Essam Samak, and a colonel both to 15 years in prison, while the others were acquitted.

Al-Ahly's fans accuse the police of collusion in the killing of their fellow supporters, arguing that they had advance knowledge of plans by supporters of Port Said's Al-Masry to attack them. They also accuse them of standing by as the Al-Masry fans attacked the visiting Al-Ahly supporters.

The court rulings can be appealed before a higher court.

Many residents of Port Said say the trial is unjust and politicized, and soccer fans in the city have felt that authorities were biased in favor of Al-Ahly, Egypt's most powerful club.

In Port Said, a city that for weeks has been in open rebellion against Morsi, the Islamist leader, several hundred people, many of them relatives of the defendants, gathered outside the local security headquarters to vent their anger. They chanted slogans against Morsi's government and the verdicts. Police pulled out of the city on Friday after days of battling protesters in deadly clashes. The army has taken over security in the city, a move that was warmly welcomed by residents.

Some people in a cafe watching the verdict live on TV hit their heads in frustration, while others broke down and wept. Some said they can live with the verdict because an appeal leaves room for hope.

"There's still an appeal process. God willing, our rights will be restored," said Islam Ezzeddin, a local soccer fan. "We are not thugs. I hope to God when there's an appeal, that we feel we live in a country of law and justice."

However, the national railways chief, Hussein Zakaria, ordered trains headed to Port Said to terminate their services at Ismailiya, another Suez Canal city south of Port Said. He said the measure was taken out of fear for the safety of passengers.

Late on Saturday, activists in the city declared the start of a new general strike, with bands of protesters moving around the city pleading with business owners to shutter down.

___

Batrawy reported from Port Said.

Associated Press

Source: http://hosted2.ap.org/APDEFAULT/cae69a7523db45408eeb2b3a98c0c9c5/Article_2013-03-09-ML-Egypt/id-09261b5a14fe4006ba3d83dff1c3a64a

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